AP Governor's Report Recommending Prez Rule

AP Governor's report which led to President rule.
Governor sent 6 reports and 5 communications to Union Cabinet --


Report on 15.12.2015

Report on 16.12.2016

Report on 17.12.2016

Report on 31.12.2016

Report on 15.01.2016

Report on 18.01.2016

Email on 20.12.2016

Email on 09.1.2016

Email on 10.01.2016

Copy of CD showing the attack on Raj Bhawan on 15.12.2016



Key points of report.

- Firstly, Governor's letters/reference to CM Tuki on matters of public importance concerning state administration are mostly not responded to, in violation of Article 167(b) of constitution. President was informed by a letter of 29th September, 2015. Since June 18 letters were sent to CM and 9 are yet to be responded by CM.

- CM does not keep Governor on state's development agenda, programmes, projects, schemes etc.

- At the behest of CM the state cabinet issued directions to DEPARTMENTS and officers including Chief Secy not to submit any report to Governor without prior clearance of Ministers/ CM.

- State cabinet by resolution directed Govt officers, Chief Secy, Principal Secy, Commissioners, Secretaries etc not to attend any meeting with Governor without prior approval from CM/ministers.

- CM has publicly blamed the Governor for causing dissidence by 21 congress MLA by hatching conspiracy with BJP. He has claimed publicly that he lodged complaint to the Prez and PM.Failing to keep his flock together Tuki has resorted to blame game for public sympathy.

- CM, Tuki has been encouraging indiscipline, lawlessness, politicking by Govt officials by inciting, provoking and funding Nyishi Society. An apex communal organization of the Nyishi mainly comprised of Govt officials to publicly organise demonstration/ rallies / for recall/  removal/ resignation of Governor.

- CM and Speaker both of the Nyishi tribe are playing communal politics by inciting, provoking , funding some Nyishi students and other communal organisations against other tribes and the Governor referring to his Assamese roots.

- 3 dissident MLAs accused CM of engaging outlawed group NSCN(K) to pressurize them to support Tuki. They claimed relative of one MLA is kidnapped by NSCN. An FIR filed but case is not properly investigated. The kidnapped person reportedly taken to Myanmar is yet to be rescued.

- CM released a letter in Delhi in which highly defamatory, insulting and threatening  language used for Governor.

- Many organizations have been demanding CBI probe against CM Tuki in corruption cases.

- Governor and his family daily apprehending grave danger to their life due to public criticism/ condemnation and frequent gherao of Raj Bhavan. 

Threats to burn Raj Bhavan, kill mithun ( a cow like animal) and attack Governor and his family are issued through social networking sites. If the Governor and his family don't feel safe, would life of common man be secure.

IDEA OF INDIA: LEST WE FORGET

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in Constituent Assembly. 

Friday, the 25th November, 1949

"It is not that India did not know what is Democracy. There was a time when India was studded with republics, and even where there were monarchies, they were either elected or limited. They were never absolute. It is not that India did not know Parliaments or Parliamentary Procedure. A study of the Buddhist Bhikshu Sanghas discloses that not only there were Parliaments-for the Sanghas were nothing but Parliaments – but the Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary Procedure known to modern times. They had rules regarding seating arrangements, rules regarding Motions, Resolutions, Quorum, Whip, Counting of Votes, Voting by Ballot, Censure Motion, Regularization, Res Judicata, etc. Although these rules of Parliamentary Procedure were applied by the Buddha to the meetings of the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of the Political Assemblies functioning in the country in his time.

This democratic system India lost. Will she lost it a second time? I do not know. But it is quite possible in a country like India – where democracy from its long disuse must be regarded as something quite new – there is danger of democracy giving place to dictatorship. It is quite possible for this new born democracy to retain its form but give place to dictatorship in fact. If there is a landslide, the danger of the second possibility becoming actuality is much greater.

If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what must we do? The first thing in my judgement we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our social and economic objectives. It means we must abandon the bloody methods of revolution. It means that we must abandon the method of civil disobedience, non-cooperation and satyagraha. When there was no way left for constitutional methods for achieving economic and social objectives, there was a great deal of justification for unconstitutional methods. But where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for these unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us.

The second thing we must do is to observe the caution which John Stuart Mill has given to all who are interested in the maintenance of democracy, namely, not "to lay their liberties at the feet of even a great man, or to trust him with power which enable him to subvert their institutions".

There is nothing wrong in being grateful to great men who have rendered life-long services to the country. But there are limits to gratefulness. As has been well said by the Irish Patriot Daniel O'Connel, no man can be grateful at the cost of his honour, no woman can be grateful at the cost of her chastity and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its liberty. This caution is far more necessary in the case of India than in the case of any other country. For in India, Bhakti or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in its politics unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics of any other country in the world. Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship.

The third thing we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy. What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life which recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a union of trinity in the sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy.

Liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them. We must begin by acknowledging the fact that there is complete absence of two things in Indian Society. One of these is equality. On the social plane, we have in India a society based on the principle of graded inequality which we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty. On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognizing the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which is Assembly has to laboriously built up.

The second thing we are wanting in is recognition of the principle of fraternity. what does fraternity mean? Fraternity means a sense of common brotherhood of all Indians-if Indians being one people. It is the principle which gives unity and solidarity to social life. It is a difficult thing to achieve. How difficult it is, can be realized from the story related by James Bryce in his volume on American Commonwealth about the United States of America.

The story is- I propose to recount it in the words of Bryce himself- that-

    "Some years ago the American Protestant Episcopal Church was occupied at its triennial Convention in revising its liturgy. It was thought desirable to introduce among the short sentence prayers a prayer for the whole people, and an eminent  New England divine proposed the words `O Lord, bless our nation'. Accepted one afternoon, on the spur of the moment, the sentence was brought up next day for reconsideration, when so many objections were raised by the laity to the word nation' as importing too definite a recognition of national unity, that it was dropped, and instead there were adopted the words `O Lord, bless these United States."

There was so little solidarity in the U.S.A. at the time when this incident occurred that the people of America did not think that they were a nation. If the people of the United States could not feel that they were a nation, how difficult it is for Indians to think that they are a nation. I remember the days when politically-minded Indians, resented the expression "the people of India". They preferred the expression "the Indian nation." I am of opinion that in believing that we are a nation, we are cherishing a great delusion. How can people divided into several thousands of castes be a nation? The sooner we realize that we are not as yet a nation in the social and psychological sense of the world, the better for us. For then only we shall realize the necessity of becoming a nation and seriously think of ways and means of realizing the goal. The realization of this goal is going to be very difficult – far more difficult than it has been in the United States. The United States has no caste problem. In India there are castes. The castes are anti-national. In the first place because they bring about separation in social life. They are anti-national also because they generate jealousy and antipathy between caste and caste. But we must overcome all these difficulties if we wish to become a nation in reality. For fraternity can be a fact only when there is a nation. Without fraternity equality and liberty will be no deeper than coats of paint.

These are my reflections about the tasks that lie ahead of us. They may not be very pleasant to some. But there can be no gainsaying that political power in this country has too long been the monopoly of a few and the many are only beasts of burden, but also beasts of prey. This monopoly has not merely deprived them of their chance of betterment, it has sapped them of what may be called the significance of life. These down-trodden classes are tired of being governed. They are impatient to govern themselves. This urge for self-realization in the down-trodden classes must no be allowed to devolve into a class struggle or class war. It would lead to a division of the House. That would indeed be a day of disaster. For, as has been well said by Abraham Lincoln, a House divided against itself cannot stand very long. Therefore the sooner room is made for the realization of their aspiration, the better for the few, the better for the country, the better for the maintenance for its independence and the better for the continuance of its democratic structure. This can only be done by the establishment of equality and fraternity in all spheres of life. That is why I have laid so much stresses on them.

I do not wish to weary the House any further. Independence is no doubt a matter of joy. But let us not forget that this independence has thrown on us great responsibilities. By independence, we have lost the excuse of blaming the British for anything going wrong. If hereafter things go wrong, we will have nobody to blame except ourselves. There is great danger of things going wrong. Times are fast changing. People including our own are being moved by new ideologies. They are getting tired of Government by the people. They are prepared to have Governments for the people and are indifferent whether it is Government of the people and by the people. If we wish to preserve the Constitution in which we have sought to enshrine the principle of Government of the people, for the people and by the people, let us resolve not to be tardy in the recognition of the evils that lie across our path and which induce people to prefer Government for the people to Government by the people, nor to be weak in our initiative to remove them. That is the only way to serve the country. I know of no better."

Mountain of Pendency

Whether it is implementation of Unique Identification number scheme(AADHAR), divestment of Public sector undertakings, distribution of natural resources, affairs of sports regulation bodies or even providing of shelters for poor in the chilling winters, almost every issue today ends at the doors of higher judiciary.

The higher Judiciary has always received high regards from the common man, but the rising pendency of cases is the biggest challenge which may severely affect the image of judiciary as well as quality of judicial decisions.

Though, the problem of pendency of cases has always been there, but the rising shortage of judges at different High Courts may proliferate the burden of pendency to unmanageable extent.

Judicial review of the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act aggravated the problem as for almost a year no appointment could have been made to High Courts and to the Supreme Court. While, the NJAC Act was finally held unconstitutional the new memorandum of procedure of Collegium is yet to be implemented. Alarmed by the huge pendency of cases, the collegium headed by the Chief Justice of India T S Thakur has set wheels in the motion. But, the collegium of 5 senior most judges of the Supreme Court has an ardent task of filling up more than 400 vacancies at different High Court.

With pendency of more than 9 lakh cases (till December 2015) Allahabad High Court is still facing shortage of Judges with 72 serving Judges against the sanctioned strength of 160.

The Supreme Court too has five vacancies and a pendency of over 60,000 cases. While, High courts across the country has pendency of around 4.5 million cases.

The lower judiciary has staggering number in terms of pendency, according to National Judicial Data Grid more than 26 million cases are pending in district courts. If the current trend continues the overall pendency of cases across the country (Lower as well as Higher judiciary) will cross 40 million mark.

Indian Judiciary has inherent problems of lack of infrastructure and poor judges to population ratio. In comparison to most of the advanced countries ratio of judges in India is abysmally low. Judge-population ratio is below 14 while United States has more than 100 judges per million population. If disposal of cases continue with the current pace, it would take 300 years to clear the backlog of cases. 

According to the data collected by National Judicial Data Grid, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtara, Gujarat, West Bengal and Bihar are at the tail end of the list.

Pendency of cases:- *

Uttar Pradesh 23.43%, (48,30,463 cases)

Maharashtra 14.3 %, (29,63,216 cases)

Gujarat 10.55%, (21,74,366 cases)

Bihar 6.75%, (13,91,922 cases)

West Bengal 6.7%, (13,90,787 cases)

*Till 23 January 2016

While, the political parties have never overtly criticized the Judiciary on pendency of cases, quashing of NJAC has changed the scenario. Comparatively smaller but a section of politician has started questioning the pace of judicial proceedings. At the same time judiciary does not shy away to hold successive governments responsible for not providing adequate funds (lower than 1 % of annual budget) to the Judiciary. 

But, eventually it is a common litigant whose quest for justice sometimes becomes a never ending wait.

दो महापुरुषों की संक्षिप्त कथा

संत (?) आसाराम के पसंदीदा शगलों में से एक था श्री कृष्ण के भेष में मंच पर विचरना। वयोवृद्ध संत ने कभी सपने में भी नहीं सोचा था कि कृष्ण की तरह कारागार भी उनकी इहलीला का एक महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा होगा। कृष्ण का जन्म कोठरी में हुआ और आसाराम जीवन की संध्याकाल कोठरी में काट रहे हैं। दो साल से ऊपर जेल में बीत चुके हैं लेकिन कोई चमत्कार, कोई जंतर बाबा के काम नहीं आ रहा। आसाराम को उम्मीद की रोशनी तब दिखाई दी जब संत को स्वामी (सुब्रहमण्यम) का साथ मिला। लेकिन सोनिया और राहुल गांधी को ज़मानत के लिए कोर्ट के सामने हाज़िर करा पाने में कामयाब स्वामी संत की ज़मानत नहीं करा सके। 

लेकिन आज आसाराम की बात क्यों ?

वजह है दिल्ली इंटरनेशनल बुक फेयर- 2016। मेला तो किताबों का था लेकिन यहां गुरुओं से जुड़े इतने स्टॉल पहले नहीं दिखे। इनमें सबसे रोचक स्टॉल था आसाराम और दक्षिण के आसाराम यानि स्वामी नित्यानंद का। आसाराम के स्टॉल पर भक्तिनों का जमावड़ा है, वो आते जाते लोगों को आसाराम के संदेश की कॉपी बांट रही हैं। बगल में रखे एलईडी टीवी पर अर्णब गोस्वामी का शो चल रहा है। अर्णब, आसाराम की जेल पर डिबेट कर रहे हैं और कोई एक ही बाईट लगातार लूप में चल रही है। 

आसाराम के स्टॉल से कुछ मीटर की दूरी पर ही स्वामी नित्यानंद की दुकान लगी है। हालांकि 38 साल के नित्यानंद का अनुभव (जेल का) आसाराम से कम रहा है। लेकिन, एक मामले में दोनों बदकिस्मत रहे हैं स्कूल में दोनों का प्रदर्शन न मालूम कैसा रहा लेकिन दोनों ने ऐसा टेस्ट (Potency test) पास कर लिया जिसने उन्हें जेल तक पहुंचा दिया।  असल दुनिया में भले ही दोनों संत (?) हज़ारों किलोमीटर के फासले पर हों, बुक फेयर में दोनों एक ही छत के नीचे हैं।
नित्यानंद के आगे अभी लंबा जीवन पड़ा है, वो भविष्य में सतर्क रहेंगे। लेकिन आसाराम उम्र के इस दौर में जेल में पहुंचे हैं....अंत बुरा तो सब बुरा......!

In Search of Sikh Heritage

Few weeks back, in Palmyra (Syria), ISIS terrorists razed 2000 year old temple structures to dust. It was not the first such incident, in 2001 Taliban blew up the statues of ‘ Buddhas of Bamiyan’ by dynamite. Devil of bigotry never rests. Religious intolerance believes in demolishing anything which looks different from its own definition of the world; be it people, writings or structures.

But, still there are people whose efforts keep hopes alive. Shahid Shabbir of Lahore is one of them. Shahid, who is known among his friends as ‘Babaji’, has been working on documentation of ‘Gurudwaras’ and ‘temples’ of Pakistan. Shahid is a historian and a photographer and he likes to be called a ‘Historiographer‘. He believes that these monuments are heritage of humanity and we must not look at them only from point of view of religion. He asks, “When will people come out of narrow mindedness in dealing with the history?”

Shahid’s profession is landscape designing but his passion is history. After completing Diploma in Floriculture, he shifted to Islamabad from Lahore. He started working as a Landscape Designer but his passion for History compelled him to pursue MA in the subject from Open University.

Shahid has been working in ‘West Punjab’ and has discovered dozens of gurudwaras, courts, havelies and dharamshalas of historical importance. His work speaks of his efforts, Shahid has identified at least 16 major patterns of gurudwaras depending upon the time-period of construction. If all different structural designs are considered, he has identified 120 different shapes of gurudwaras, dharamshalas and havelis. At times even he couldn’t believe what he saw, “There are some gurudwaras which have dome and minarets and completely identical to mosques. People of new generation wouldn’t believe but it is a gurudwara.” …”Seventy percent of sikh heritage is in Pakistan. Khalsaraaj has deep signs all over in the region, even the smallest of hamlets have signs of past.”

Born in 1975, though, Shahid did not witness violence of 1947, but he is neither ignorant of the destruction followed by the partition. He says, “Politics is not my cup of tea. But, we must learn from the past. If anyone thinks that a country is meant only for one religion or culture, then he is completely wrong. This is impossible.”

Shahid’s work has not only been appreciated in Pakistan, but, his friends in India and elsewhere hold huge regards for him. Shahid aka Babaji runs a facebook page “Khalsa Raj Foot Steps in Pakistan” and “Heritage of Pakistan.” All the historical sites which Shahid has documented so far, can be found on these pages.

Shahid Shabbir is always busy in tracing the footsteps of the past, but so far he is alone in this venture. He gets no fund from the government, religious organisations or from any global institutions. Though he is apprehensive about the availability of fund, yet, he hopes for the best. “If God wants me to do this then certainly something will come up.” But as of now each and every penny spent on the exploration work comes from his own pocket.

 (Copyright of all images: Shahid Shabbir )

खत्म होगी फांसी ?

करीब एक साल तक चले विचार विमर्श के बाद भारत के विधि आयोग ने अपनी 262वीं रिपोर्ट 31 अगस्त 2015 को सरकार को सौंपते हुए देश में फांसी की सज़ा को जल्द से जल्द खत्म करने की सिफारिश की। हालांकि, आयोग ने आतंक के मामलों में फांसी को बनाए रखने की बात कही है।

फांसी पर विधि आयोग की यह पहली रिपोर्ट नहीं है। 1967 में आयोग ने अपनी 35वीं रिपोर्ट में फांसी को खत्म किए जाने का विरोध करते हुए कहा था कि “भारत इन हालातों में फांसी समाप्त करने का जोखिम नहीं उठा सकता”। 2014-15 तक विधि आयोग के सदस्यों की सोच बदल चुकी है। लेकिन क्या सरकार और आम जनता से नज़रिए में बदलाव की उम्मीद की जानी चाहिए। रिपोर्ट ऐसे वक्त में आई है जब फांसी दिए जाने के पिछले तीन मामलों में दोषी [अफज़ल (संसद हमला), कसाब (26/11 हमला), याकूब मेमन (93’ ब्लास्ट)] आतंकी हमलों से जुड़े थे। लेकिन जैसा कि विधि आयोग से अपेक्षित है वह इस विषय को भावनाओं से अधिक कानूनी और संवैधानिक दृष्टिकोण से देखता है।

रिपोर्ट में फांसी को लेकर कई स्तरों पर आपत्तियां जताई गई हैं। इसमें सबसे बड़ी आपत्ति इस बात पर है कि फांसी के मामलों में rarest of the rare सिद्धांत का बेहद मनमाने ढंग से प्रयोग हुआ है।

दरअसल 1955 तक हत्या के मामलों में अधिकतर मामलों में फांसी की सज़ा दी जाती रही। इस समय तक अगर न्यायाधीश हत्या के मामले में फांसी के स्थान पर उम्रकैद देते तो इसके पीछे कारण भी दिया जाना जरूरी था। इसके बाद बड़ा बदलाव आया और 1973 से CrPC की धारा 354(3) में संशोधन लाया गया। इस संशोधन के साथ ही जजों से यह अपेक्षित था कि वह हत्या के मामले में फांसी देते समय इसके लिए विस्तार से कारण भी देंगे। बचन सिंह बनाम पंजाब में निर्णय देते हुए सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने इस संशोधन की व्याख्या इस रुप में की कि हत्या के मामलों में सामान्यतः उम्रकैद की सज़ा होनी चाहिए और केवल rarest of the rare मामलों में सज़ा-ए-मौत हो।
1980 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने अपने फैसले में साफ किया कि केवल दुर्लभतम मामलों में ही मौत की सज़ा होनी चाहिए।

समस्या यहीं से शुरु होती है rarest of the rare सिद्धांत के बाद फांसी की सज़ा के मामले में अपील एक लॉटरी की तरह है। ऐसा कई बार देखा गया है जब एक ही तरह के अपराध के लिए एक दोषी को उम्रकैद दी गई जबकि दूसरे को फांसी। यहां तक की सुप्रीम कोर्ट की अलग-अलग पीठों के फैसलों में असंगति है। खुद सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने माना कि कम से कम सात मामलों में न्यायधीशों ने RAREST OF THE RARE के सिद्धांत की गलत व्याख्या की और इन सातों मामलों में फांसी को बरकरार रखा।

फांसी की सज़ा के मामलों में सुनवाई किसी लॉटरी जैसी क्यों है?

आंकड़ों के मुताबिक फांसी की सज़ा पाने वाले 75% गरीब व सामाजिक रूप से पिछड़े तबकों से होते हैं जिनके पास अच्छी कानूनी सहायता उपलब्ध नहीं होती। कानूनी सहायता की गुणवत्ता जीवन और मृत्यु का निर्णय कैसे करती है इसका उदाहरण जीता सिंह के मामले से भी सामने आता है।

जीता सिंह, कश्मीरा सिंह और हरबंस सिंह को एक ही परिवार के चार लोगों की हत्या का दोषी पाया गया। इलाहबाद हाई कोर्ट ने तीनों को मौत की सज़ा सुनाई। तीनों ने अलग-अलग अपीलें दाखिल की। जीता सिंह को फांसी की सज़ा हुई, जबकि कश्मीरा सिंह का मामला सुनने वाली अन्य पीठ ने फांसी को उम्रकैद में बदल दिया। हरबंस सिंह की फांसी को भी अंततः उम्रकैद में बदल दिया गया।इस तरह के मामले और भी हैं लेकिन इसमें सबसे ताज़ा घटना देविंदर पाल सिंह भुल्लर से जुड़ी है। मार्च 2014 में पूर्व खालिस्तानी उग्रवादी की फांसी को सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने उम्रकैद में बदल दिया। जबकि इससे पहले सुप्रीम कोर्ट की एक अन्य पीठ ने 2013 में समान तथ्यों पर ही भुल्लर की फांसी को बरकरार रखा था।

दया याचिका के निपटारे में देरी

सभी कानूनी विकल्प खत्म होने के बाद कैदी और फांसी के फंदे के बीच सिर्फ एक कदम बाकी रह जाता है। संविधान के अनुच्छेद 72 के तहत राष्ट्रपति और 161 के तहत राज्यपाल फांसी को उम्रकैद में बदल सकते हैं। इस मामले में भी राष्ट्रपति या राज्यपाल मंत्रिमंडल के परामर्श पर निर्णय लेने के लिए बाध्य हैं। गृह मंत्रालय द्वारा किसी निर्णय पर पहुंचने में भी 12-13 साल तक का समय लगता देखा गया है। इस तथ्य को ध्यान में रखते हुए 21 जनवरी 2014 को भारत के मुख्य न्यायाधीश पी. सदाशिवम की अध्यक्षता वाली 5 जजों की संविधान पीठ ने 15 कैदियों की फांसी को उम्रकैद में बदल दिया। इन कैदियों में पूर्व प्रधानमंत्री राजीव गांधी की हत्या के दोषी भी शामिल थे।

सरकारी प्रक्रिया में होने वाली देरी का सबसे बड़ा नमूना बंधु बाबूराव तिडके का मामला है। तिडके की दया याचिका गृह मंत्रालय को 2007 में प्राप्त हुई। 2012 में गृह मंत्रालय के सुझाव पर राष्ट्रपति ने तिडके की फांसी को उम्रकैद में बदलने का निर्णय लिया, लेकिन मंत्रालय इस बात से बेखबर था कि तिडके पाँच साल पहले 18 अक्तूबर 2007 को जेल में ही दम तोड़ चुका था।

राष्ट्रपति के समक्ष दया याचिका के आंकड़े भी चौंकाने वाले हैं-

	राष्ट्रपति	स्वीकार की गई दया याचिकाएं	खारिज की गई दया याचिकाएं	कुल
1.	राजेंद्र प्रसाद	180	1	181
2.	सर्वपल्ली राधाकृष्णन	57	0	57
	ज़ाकिर हुसैन	22	0	22
4.	वी.वी गिरि	3	0	3
5.	फखरुद्दीन अली अहमद	उपलब्ध नहीं	उपलब्ध नहीं	0
6.	एन संजीवा रेड्डी	उपलब्ध नहीं	उपलब्ध नहीं	0
7.	ज़ैल सिंह	2	30	32
8.	आर. वेंकटरमण	5	45	50
9.	एस.डी शर्मा	0	18	18
10.	के.आर. नारायणन	0	0	0
11.	ए पी जे कलाम	1	1	2
12.	प्रतिभा पाटील	34	5	39
13.	प्रणब मुखर्जी	2	31	33

 

आतंकवाद के मामलों में फांसी पर रोक नहीं

रिपोर्ट में फिलहाल आतंकवाद के दोषियों के लिए फांसी के प्रावधान को बनाए रखने की बात कही गई है, हालांकि, खुद आयोग ने कहा कि सैद्धांतिक रुप से वह हत्या के आम दोषी और आतंक के दोषी के बीच भेद नहीं करती लेकिन यह मुद्दा बेहद संवेदनशील है इसलिए नीति निर्माताओं को ही इस पर विचार करना चाहिए। हालांकि, आतंकवाद के मामलों में भी निचली अदालतों के फैसलों पर आँख मूंदकर भरोसा नहीं किया जा सकता। अहमदाबाद के अक्षरधाम मंदिर में 2002 के आतंकी हमले में निचली अदालत और हाईकोर्ट से फांसी की सज़ा पाए आदमभाई सुलेमानभाई अजमेरी समेत तीनों आरोपियों को सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने निर्दोष पाया और रिहाई के आदेश दिए।

वैश्विक उदाहरण

नेपाल और श्रीलंका का उदाहरण देते हुए कहा गया है कि भारत से कहीं ज्यादा आतंक से प्रभावित देश भी फांसी को खत्म करने की तरफ बढ़ रहे हैं। कई सालों से माओवाद से जूझ रहे नेपाल ने मौत की सज़ा को समाप्त कर दिया है। नेपाल में आखिरी बार फांसी की सज़ा 1979 में दी गई थी। भूटान भी अपने यहाँ मौत की सज़ा को समाप्त कर चुका है। दो दशक तक गृहयुद्ध के शिकार रहे श्रीलंका ने भी भले ही कानूनी रुप से फांसी की सज़ा को खत्म नहीं किया हो लेकिन 1976 से अब तक किसी को फांसी की सज़ा को तामील नहीं किया गया है। दुनिया में कम से कम 140 देश ऐसे है जिनमें या तो मौत की सज़ा को कानून से हटाया जा चुका है या सैद्धांतिक रुप से मौत की सज़ा पर रोक लगाई जा चुकी है।

 विधि आयोग ने इस बात पर भी नाखुशी जताई है कि आपराधिक मामलों में सरकार की भूमिका केवल दोषी को दंडित करने तक ही सीमित रह गई है। अपराध के लिए दंड आवश्यक है लेकिन इसे प्रतिशोध की तरह लागू नहीं किया जा सकता। प्रतिशोधात्मक न्याय पर ज़ोर देते-देते पीड़ितों के पुनर्वास और उन्हें राहत दिए जाने की परिकल्पना पीछे छूट चुकी है।

अध्यक्ष समेत नौ सदस्यों वाले विधि आयोग में से तीन सदस्यों ने फांसी को खत्म किए जाने के मामले में असहमति जताई है जिनमें से दो सदस्य सरकार के प्रतिनिधि हैं। यह बताता है कि सरकार दवारा रिपोर्ट पर निकट भविष्य में किसी तरह की कार्रवाई की कोई संभावना नहीं है लेकिन यह विधि आयोग की सिफारिशें आने वाले दिनों में बहस के नज़रिए को ज़रूर बदलेगी.